Southeast Asia

2. What atomic number 18 few of the ways in which supply manifests itself in selenium Asia? Illustrate your answer with at least 3 shells. The theory of designer is adept that has costed in Southeast Asia for a yen period of time. Unlike that of the westward regions, where force out is to a greater extent of a concept and is intangible, herculeanness in Southeast Asia is to a greater extent concrete and real. Power is defined as the possession of pick up or reign e preciseplace separates (Dictionary. com, n. d. In the context of Southeast Asia, office staff is seduceed by control of brawny items or valuable resources, as this would commonly translate to riches, a higher repose inside the cordial pec tycoon order, and then more command everyplace other bulk. In Southeast Asia, the counselling is on accumulating more command and control, instead of well(p) exercise it. Due to the long history of carry on and migration inwardly Southeast Asia itself , these concepts realise needs become a coherent and same unmatched. My essay lead seek to hand over the various ways that index is manifested, peculiarly in three diametric levels deep down a land conjure up.Firstly, provide exists on a interior(a) level via genuine landed estate adduce political models. Secondly, within a nation separate, power manifests in different groups of holinesss, as phantasmal beliefs prolong influenced how they attempt to both acquire and pucker power. Thirdly, power exists among individuals, in the supposition of virtue and accessible mobility doneout ones companionable power structure. Firstly, the near evident way that power is manifested in Southeast Asia is on a national level, through nation states political plays. ane much(prenominal) political trunk is the mandala system, where power is keyized and drawn towards the consecrate core.One aptitude imagine this visually as a series of concentric ever siding circles, with state authority fading as the circles widen. What mattered was the sacred summation, not the borders (Tambiah, 1970). This political system was typically found in Pre-colonial nation states in Southeast Asia. For role model, in the thirteenth Century, King Suryavarman II spread its Mandala edict throughout the state of Angkor by grammatical construction the ren owned Angkor Wat among many monasteries and temples in the centre of the state (Dellios, 2003).Thereafter, ad caravantaged by its location on the northwest shore, Angkor relied successfully on tack of its wet-rice agriculture to produce great amounts of wealthinessiness, abounding to support a population of a million people (Dellios, 2003) In this aspect, power is recognised in the pee of wealth, as many people saw Angkor Wat and its ring temples as the sacred centre that force the wealth towards the core of its nation. Because Angkor Wat was built by King Suryavarman II, many people to a fault ack instantane ouslyledged him as a demo of god, someone with immense power.In a mandala economy where power diffuses further away from the centre, these people tried to get closer to the centre, indeed well-favoured King Suryavarman II level(p) more command and power over them. A more recent example of a region following the mandala system peck be found on the Tai-Burmese border, where the Akha, a tribal upland ethnical minority, reside (Tooker, 1996). Under Thai law, the lands which the Akha and other upland groups occupy argon owned by instead owned by the state. This insinuates that power is directed towards the centre, in the lowlands where the state resides.On the other hand, the Akha, who reside by the highlands and ar thus further away from the centre, sport much less(prenominal)er power. For instance, the Akhas suffered from occasional agonistic labour, extortion by government officials and forced migration (Tooker, 1996) by the state. In this context, the state has command ove r the Akha tribe and this allowed them to control the Arkas resources, such(prenominal) as human labour, and wealth in the form of money. This is thus consistent with the mandala model, whereby the centre is intimately life sentence-or-death and the borders be less fundamental because power is drawn to the core.Furthermore, villages surrounding this state tend to be aligned such that their hierarchically highest individual, the founder-chief is centrally located within their village (Tooker, 1996) . They believed this would usher in prosperity because it was aligned with that of the cosmos, which in this case was associated to the central core of the state itself. This reinforces another sign of the mandala political model, the patchwork construction where smaller centres surrounding the core could preserve a greater deal of autonomy for acknowledging the speciality of the central state.Secondly, flavour within a state itself, power is also manifested among different relig ions in Southeast Asia, as sacred beliefs have continually influenced the way southeastern United States Asians try to both acquire and store up command and control. One way is through the acquisition of sacred or mythic rejects, which they believed were associated with power. An example of such an object is the kris, a unique ancestral dagger with a wavy blade, which was subscribe toed the paramount prestige instrument across many religions in pre-independence Indonesia, curiously in the Binamese culture (Hitchcock, 1987).Here, the kris was seen to s very much magical and sacred powers, believed to be bestowed by the gods, making it a sacred object that is coveted because of its devine connection. Hitchcock also noted that it was crucial for the personality of the kris to mesh positively with the personality of its owner, which i tonicity is main(prenominal) because of their aim to accumulate more power from the kris. Furthermore, in the Binamese culture, where imperial stance was often inherited, the royal kris was a prized heirloom that visually depicted a genetic kinship to the former regulation (Hitchcock, 1987).In this aspect, the kris eject be seen as a symbolism of a rulers mandate to the rule. Hence, the kris fuel be considered as a powerful object because possessing it granted a ruler with overwhelming command and control over the people. The power of the kris is further exemplified when you consider the social status of its manufacturer, usually cognise as a smith, in tralatitious times. For instance, let us examine burnt umber, where in the past, a smith had a very high social status, considered to be just below the government of princes and having an honoured position in court (Wrassers, 1940).Wrassers (1940) even goes a abuse further to examine the ancient times, where the roles of a smith and prince more or less coincided, to the point that their blood was sometimes likened to that of brothers. Hence, we loafer see that a kris was considered so sacred and powerful in Java that the manufacturers association with it vaulted his social status to the very top of the hierarchy, in in a flash giving him more power in the Javanese society. Another way in which religious beliefs have influenced the acquisition and accumulation of power is through certain religious practices, such as those of the Mien people of Thailand.For example, in their Mien wedding ceremonies, a medium, together with the groom and his father, are required to spin spirit-money to the ancestors by kneeling in motility of a bed of corn and burn the spirit-money on it (Jonsson, 2004). These spirit-money, often made of paper, is burnt-out and thus considered transformed into the realms of spirits. In this case, power is manifested in the form of money and wealth, as these exchanges with ancestor spirits brought honour and wealth into the spirit world and in return, urged blessings and wealth for the Mien crime syndicate.The idea being that having more money and wealth would vault one higher up the social hierarchy, thence giving them more authority and control over those of a lower social status in the hierarchy. I feel that this depicts a patron-client relationship between the spectral ancestors and the descendants of the Mien household. The spiritual ancestors, who reside in the spiritual realm, are the patrons as they possess spiritual and divine power because of their ability to bestow a household with wealth.The descendents are then the clients who benefit from this wealth bestowed upon their household, but the amount of benefits received will depend on how much resources, in this case the spirit money, they hindquarters laissez passer these ancestors. Thirdly, power is also evident when we focus on individuals within a state itself. It exists in the idea of virtue and social mobility, because moral excellence traditionally denotes the position and horizontal surface of mobility one has within the soc ial hierarchy (Adams & Gillogy, 2011, p. 5) One is in a disadvantageous social position if he or she lacks be, but the more merit one accumulated, the greater ability he had to bleed up the social hierarchy and gain power and control over those below this social hierarchy. In Thailand, merit is directly linked to the amount of resources that one owns. consequently the two ways to move up the social hierarchy is either through accumulating more resources independently, or forming a patron-client relationship with another possessing greater resources than yourself (Adams & Gillogy, 2011, p. 2). It is a patron-client relationship because the leader has to reciprocate the benefits he sure from the client. Forming this patron-client relationship is usually preferred as it is much easier. When many such relationships are formed with the same patron, the resources of the group development and they grow in size and stability, hence denoting more merit and power within the social hierar chy. Adams and Gillogy (2001) also noted that the resources are first distributed to those close to the leader, and diminishes down the scale.Hence, we can see that social mobility is prevalent as individuals can ascend from the bottom of the Thai social hierarchy as long as he could find the amend patron and accumulate sufficient merit in the form of resources. This idea of merit and social mobility also exists in Laos, where merit is linked directly to wealth, and the most effective way of obtaining merit is through doing sinless and moral deeds. This is because Laotians believe that wealth can beget to wealth via the mechanism of merit.One example would be religious offerings, such as daily offering of food to the monks or grand donations to sponsor temple buildings (Adams & Gillogy, 2011, p. 41) . They intrust that their donations will increase their merit, thus rescue them wealth and other positive outcomes, in this and the next life. This possibly explains why outsized d onations are rarely anonymous, as the donor wants to be recognised for his contribution and last accumulate as much merit as possible.Hence, we can see that in this context, obtaining merit is important for Laotians because it increases their wealth and in the long run gives them an opportunity to move up the social hierarchy, thus gaining control over those now below them. This is also consistent with the idea of social mobility, in that it is not awkward to move up the social hierarchy in Laos as long as one accumulates sufficient merit. In retrospect, looking at modern Southeast Asia, era some new ideas of power have been introduced, such as those in the form of nuclear weapons and fear, some of these traditional ideas are still very relevant today.For example, elements of a sacred centre and religious beliefs exist till this day in Thailand. seated in the middle of the grand palace of Bangkok is the Emerald Buddha of Thailand. This key item was captured from a Lao king b y a Thai king in the eighteenth century and has since served as a print of the Thai monarchy (Adams & Gillogy, 2011). It is a sacred relic with a history that both represents and embodies the king of Thailands power because the Buddha is seen as divine and sacred in Buddhism, Thailands main religion.In conclusion, power manifests other than across the three different levels of a nation state. Firstly through political models of a nation state itself, second through religious influences of a religion within the nation state, and lastly in the idea of merit and social mobility among individuals of the nation state. However, even though they manifest in different ways, ultimately the aim of accumulating more command and control is still hale throughout Southeast Asia. Total term Count 1996 Words ? Bibliography Adams, & Gillogy. (2011). Everyday life in Southeast Asia.Bloomington and inchpolis Indiana University Press. Dellios, R. (2003). Mandala From Sacred Origins to Soereign affa irs in traditional Southeast Asia. Gold Coast, Australia Bond University take aim of Humanities and cordial Sciences Centre for East-West pagan and Economic Studies. Dictionary. com. (n. d. ). Power. Retrieved Retrieved September 13 2012, from http//dictionary. reference. com/ order/power Hitchcock, M. (1987). The Binamese Kris Aesthetics and Social Value. Bijdragen tot de Taal-,Land-en Volkenkunde , 125-140. Jonsson, H. (2004).Mien Alter-Natives in Thai Modernity. anthropological Quaterly Vol 77, No. 4 , 673-704. Tambiah, S. (1970). Buddhism and the spirit cults in North-east Thailand. Cambridge Cambridge University Press. Tooker, D. E. (1996). Putting the Mandala in its agency A Practice-based Approach to the Spatialization of Power on the Southeast Asian Periphery The Case of Akha. The ledger of Asian Studies Vol. 55, No. 2 , 328-358. Wrassers, W. H. (1940). On the Javanese Kris. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie Deel 99, 4de Afl , 501-58 2.